Thu, 08:05 28 May 2009 GMT17

 
Sri Lanka: Now what?
20 May 2009 15:59:00 GMT
Written by: Joel Charny
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They did it.

In 2006 the brothers Rajapaksa --- newly elected President Mahinda, Defense Secretary Gotabaya, and special adviser Basil --- set out to fulfill their campaign pledge and defeat the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam on the battlefield. Three years later, they succeeded, crushing one of the world’s longest standing and most brutal insurgencies and establishing central government military control over the entire island.

From the anti-Tamil riots in response to an LTTE terrorist attack in 1983 to the final struggle, it was never pretty. The total death toll from the nearly 26-year civil war was 80-100,000, most of them civilians. In the final military push, an estimated 7,000 civilians died, and 265,000 Tamils are in internment camps just outside the conflict zone. The government denied access to humanitarian organizations while the LTTE held civilians as hostages, refusing to release them to seek relative safety behind government lines.

Even after the victory, the government is still refusing to allow aid workers or journalists to enter the area where civilians were trapped in the final days of the battle. Even the UN Secretary General’s personal envoy had to be content with a flyover to assess the situation. The continued denial of access suggests that mop-up operations are continuing. Independent observers note that the Sri Lankan military is literally taking no prisoners, raising the fear that anyone associated with the LTTE is being murdered or left to die on the battlefield.

The government faces an immense challenge to lead a process of reconciliation, healing, and recovery. The temptation to rub the defeat in the face of the island’s remaining 1.5 million Tamils will be tremendous. The resentment among the majority Sinhalese against the LTTE and the broader Tamil community for waging the separatist struggle based on terror is deep. Internal pressure to declare the long war over and usher in a period of ethnic harmony will be minimal, confined mainly to marginalized civil society organizations.

President Rajapaksa and his top advisors have reveled in their defiance of the international community since the end of the ceasefire in 2006. A government that once prided itself on its respect for international humanitarian law now regularly accuses the UN and humanitarian organizations of being LTTE sympathizers, dismissing their claims for humanitarian access as unwarranted outside interference. As for the entreaties of the United States, England, and the European Union for a ceasefire and greater protection of civilians amidst the conflict, the government more or less told them to go stuff themselves.

The immediate imperative is to respond to the humanitarian needs of the affected civilian population in northern Sri Lanka. Hundreds of thousands of people are either in poorly constructed internment camps, or abandoned in fields and along roadsides without food, water, medical care, and shelter. The Sri Lankan government must allow international humanitarian organizations to access these people, with priority given initially to the International Committee of the Red Cross. The hope would be that neutral, effective remedial action by the ICRC would build confidence among the more extreme elements of the government that humanitarian organizations have a role to play in limiting the suffering of war-affected Tamil civilians.

The next step should be dismantling the internment camps and allowing people to return to their homes. With the war over, the government has to stop treating innocent Tamil civilians like the enemy. The return process should be supported and accompanied by international organizations, including the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and UNICEF, both of which have previously led humanitarian activities in the Vanni. Many people will require assistance to rebuild their homes, basic rations to make up for the lack of agricultural production, and seeds and tools to begin planting with the onset of the rains.

For much of the conflict period, some basic assistance reached civilians in the LTTE-controlled areas, but long-term investment and development aid have been impossible. Jaffna, once the greatest Tamil city in the world, is in ruins, and the Vanni is a desolate stretch of underdevelopment. Regardless of the political solution that may emerge to meet Tamil aspirations for self-government within a unified Sri Lanka, the demand for funding of roads, schools, clinics, irrigation schemes, and other basic infrastructure will be massive.

Reconstruction will require support of international donors and financial institutions. This will give the international community a measure of leverage over the Sri Lankan government, if the political will exists to embark on a process of genuine national reconciliation and development of the Tamil majority areas. If such political will is limited, and there is every reason to believe that it will be, then the bitterness in the Tamil community will remain, and peace will prove elusive.

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2 responses to “Sri Lanka: Now what?”

Please note that comments should not be regarded as the views of Reuters.
  1. Muthyavan. says:

    Sri Lanka now what? Good question Joel Chaney,because Srilanka is right now in a cross roads. Will Srilanka come out of the mono religious,linguistic authoritarian state to a modern democratic free nation upholding human rights of all minority communities as it was in 1947, when it regained its independence as a multi racial democracy. Srilanka is very famous for its natural beauty, bio diversity,education and hard working peoples.

    It is a pity the most educated peoples and hard working technocrats have moved out of the Island nation recently because of the repressive rule enforced by the Rajapaksa brothers. All the traditionally administrative people have been pushed aside,and many academic and scientific personals killed by the government backed armed groups. Many wealthy business men and their kids as old as six were abducted and killed together with leading journalist and politicians on ransom demands by the same armed groups. The country is full with a record one hundred and ten cabinet ministers including some criminals accused in India and UK. But none of them have any powers all powers are vested with only Rajapaksa brothers.

    Now the question is will the citizens of srilanka will ever continue supporting Rajapaksa brothers rule facing an economic crisis which the country never had in history?. How many thousands of country's youth were killed and how many billions of money spend in this ethnic war of twenty of six years. If a political solution to this ethnic conflict is achieved in 1974,1977 or in the internationally arranged cease fire in 2002,how many lives would have been saved and how many developments would have been carried out with the money spend on war. Only the large commission money received by the rulers on the arms purchase would have not reached them.

    Only the people of Srilanka can change this fate of the Island nation, while the victory celebrations in Srilanka is celebrated, LTTE is also waiting with all its net works intact and ready watching the situation developement in Srilanka.

  2. tap says:

    The majority of the people of Sri Lanka, are informed through a one sided medium, that is state owned. They wil not be able to have the information that is needed to make a balanced decision. The celebrations on Friday, understandable they may be, as it was the celebration of the end to a brutal conflict that has killed 70.000 in almost 3 decades in general and probably close to 8000 in the recent months, were also very much to glorify the president and his two brothers. People had suddenly forgotten that their own freedom has been curtailed by restrictions on movement and freedom of speech. People had also forgotten that a large number of disappearances and killings are unanswered. People had also forgotton that there has been (and still is) no independent access to certain areas of the country. Let's hope that this collective and government induced amnesia will be lifted at a certain point in time. Let's hope that it will end so! oner, rather than later, and that the people of Sri Lanka will be allowed and able to make a balanced informed decision on their future...

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Joel R. Charny is vice president for policy with Refugees International, a Washington-based humanitarian advocacy organisation. He has extensive experience in Asia for RI, Oxfam America and the U.N. Development Programme. He has managed and assessed emergency response and post-conflict recovery programmes in Cambodia, Sri Lanka and Indonesia.

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